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Juvenile Justice Articles


What Does the Public Really Want?

By Robert E. Shepherd, Jr.

The ongoing political debate over the future direction of the juvenile justice system in America has frequently generated far more heat than light, and nowhere is this more evident than in the efforts of the contenders to claim the allegiance of public opinion for their positions. Those who decry most strongly the growing wave of serious and violent juvenile crime say they are only responding to the public's demand for tougher penalties and more "adult-like" procedures, while the advocates for retaining the traditional individualized rehabilitative model for juvenile justice urge that voters still support the juvenile and family court as it emerged from the progressive era early in the century. It is rare, however, to have an actual sampling done of public opinion to inform the debate about the true nature of the public viewpoint.

THE MICHIGAN SURVEY
In August and September of 1991, the Survey Research Center at the University of Michigan's Institute for Social Research conducted a survey of 1,000 randomly selected adults across the United States to inquire about the public's perceptions and concerns about juvenile justice. (Ira Schwartz, "Juvenile Crime-Fighting Policies: What the Public Really Wants," in Ira M. Schwartz, ed., Juvenile Justice and Public Policy: Toward a National Agenda (1992)) Eighty-two percent of the respondents believed that serious juvenile crime had increased in their state, with 62 percent feeling that it had increased a lot. Seventy-eight percent feared becoming the victim of a serious crime. Interestingly, only 27 percent of those responding believed that the amount of serious juvenile crime had increased in their own neighborhood. Fifty-seven percent felt safe walking alone within one mile of their homes at night.

The attitudes about handling juveniles in the courts and in corrections were interesting. Although 62 percent of the respondents wanted juveniles selling large amounts of drugs to be tried in the adult courts, and 68 percent wanted youths who committed serious violent crimes tried in the adult court, 68 percent did not want drug sellers imprisoned with adults, 63 percent did not want serious property crime offenders mixed with adults, and even 55 percent did not feel that juveniles should be sent to adult prisons for serious violent crimes. Eighty-two percent of those surveyed agreed that "juveniles who are accused of a crime should receive the same due process as adults."

Survey respondents clearly distinguish between juveniles who use drugs and those who sell drugs and between first offenders and repeat offenders in drug-related offenses. Forty-six percent of those questioned felt that drug use was a health problem and 34 percent viewed it as a criminal problem while 20 percent believed it should be treated as both. Sixty-nine percent felt that those found guilty of using drugs should be treated differently from those convicted of selling drugs.

Seventy-one percent of the respondents believed that all but the most serious juvenile offenders should be handled in community-based programs contrasted with 29 percent who favored residential correctional institutions, or training schools. Fifty-one percent thought that training schools served as deterrents to juvenile crime, while 45 percent did not. Fifty-five percent believed that serving time in a training school prevented offenders from committing crimes in the future, while 44 percent thought otherwise. When presented with a list of programs for which juvenile crime control funds could be spent, 81 percent thought restitution and community service programs were very important, 70 percent favored job training and youth employment, 69 percent believed community-based programs emphasizing education were very important, 57 percent favored community-based counseling, 47 percent attached high importance to very close supervision in the community, 36 percent desired funds for special foster homes and small group homes, and the same percentage thought more training schools were very important.

VIRGINIA SURVEY RESULTS
In the fall of 1995 the Virginia Commission on Youth, a legislatively based study group, was engaged in a major study of juvenile justice reform, along with a parallel study commission appointed by the governor and chaired by the state attorney general. The latter group was calling for more punitive measures for juvenile offenders, and especially serious offenders, who were frequently described as "young thugs" and "predators." The Commission on Youth commissioned a comprehensive survey of public attitudes about juvenile crime as part of a survey of 811 randomly selected adult respondents. ("Report of the Virginia Commission on Youth on the Study of Juvenile Justice System Reform", House Document No. 37 (1996)) The poll was conducted by the Survey Research Laboratory at Virginia Commonwealth University as part of the Commonwealth Poll, a survey of political attitudes during state-wide legislative races. A majority of the respondents identified themselves as Republicans.

Sixty-three percent of the respondents believed that the main purpose of the juvenile court system should be to rehabilitate youths, while 23 percent chose punishment, and 11 percent said both. Sixty-eight percent said that government should concentrate on either prevention or rehabilitation to reduce juvenile crime rather than enforcement or punishment. A national poll conducted by the Wirthlin Group in September 1994 resulted in 53 percent favoring prevention or rehabilitation for crime generally--and not just juvenile crime--over 44 percent who chose enforcement or punishment. Fifty-seven percent of the Virginia respondents believed that the state should spend more money on dealing with juvenile crime, while 23 percent felt that current spending was sufficient, and 5 percent thought that less should be spent. Only 32 percent of the surveyed group agreed that more juveniles should be sent to training schools, while 50 percent favored community based programs, and 9 percent wanted both or another alternative.

While 74 percent of those questioned believed that it is legal in Virginia to try a youth under the age of 18 as an adult for a serious crime, they could not say at what age this was possible. Eighty percent felt that the decision to transfer a juvenile to an adult court should be made by a judge, rather than a prosecutor, which was favored by 12 percent. Despite the support for adult treatment in certain cases, 84 percent opposed the mixing of adults and juveniles awaiting trial.

During the same study, the Virginia Commission on Youth surveyed those who are expert in the juvenile justice system about proposed changes to the system--juvenile and adult court judges, prosecutors, public defenders and court-appointed defense counsel, and chief probation officers. Sixty-eight percent believed that the decision to transfer a juvenile to an adult court should not be made solely by a prosecutor--even 44 percent of the prosecutors rejected this approach. Seventy-nine percent favored the use of determinate sentencing by juvenile court judges, but 75 percent saw no need for a statutory graduated sanctions system for the juvenile court.

MAJORITY FAVORS PROGRESSIVE POLICIES
The results of these recent surveys, and others that preceded them in California and elsewhere, reveal a public that is not nearly so punitive as the political debate would indicate. The majority of those responding to professionally designed and administered surveys still believe in the efficacy of the traditional juvenile justice system with its emphasis on prevention, treatment, and rehabilitation, and they reject the retributive thrust of a punishment-centered system. Even when respondents call for the greater use of transfer to adult court for serious juvenile offenders, they want them segregated from adults while awaiting trial and they wish them to be afforded rehabilitation in any institutional placement. The public wants juveniles to be afforded the same due process protections provided for adults, a reaffirmation of the In re Gault decision almost thirty years ago. (387 U.S. 1 (1967))

The survey respondents also favor progressive youth corrections policies. They believe secure institutional programs, like training schools, should be reserved for only the most serious juvenile offenders, and that the treatment modality of choice for most youth should be community based programs that focus on rehabilitation. Members of the public want their tax dollars invested in programs incorporating the restorative justice philosophy--one that emphasizes the use of restitution to victims and service to the community. They also want young offenders to get job training, to be placed in community based programs focusing on education, and to receive counseling in the local community. Training schools and residential services are at the bottom of the public's list of priority programs.

In spite of the fact that the public believes that serious juvenile crime is rising significantly, most respondents see this as happening elsewhere and not in their own neighborhood. They even feel safe walking alone near their neighborhoods at night. All this in spite of the constant drum beat of political rhetoric and the persistent media focus on the cacophony of sirens and the collage of yellow crime scene tape. Survey respondents appear to be fairly well-informed about what works and what doesn't, and they are prepared to invest in those programs that do work and will reduce crime. Fifty-seven percent of those polled in Virginia even believed that more money should be spent on the juvenile justice system, and this in a very fiscally conservative state and time. The ultimate question may be whether the leaders will lead, or at least catch up with the followers. Sound bites do not equal sound policy, and those who are responsible for making policy in juvenile justice need to reflect on the public attitudes articulated in these opinion surveys.

Robert E. Shepherd, Jr. is a professor of law at the University of Richmond School of Law in Virginia.

Copyright 1996 American Bar Association. All rights reserved. This information or any portion thereof may not be copied or disseminated in any form or by any means or downloaded or stored in an electronic database or retrieval system without the express written consent of the American Bar Association.

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